Is there hope for a youth-led political party?

There are speculations regarding whether the National Citizens' Committee will form a political party, however, the committee said they will act as a pressure group to restructure the state. Photo: UNB

There is an interesting graffiti on a wall beside the road connecting Jatrabari to Kamalapur. It reads — Nouka ar dhaaner shish, dui shaap er eki bish. (Whether it's boat – the electoral symbol of Awami League – or paddy – the electoral symbol of Bangladesh Nationalist Party – they are equally bad). 

You could argue whether such a comparison is justified, but the graffiti do represent the mindset of a section of the youth who have defied death to remove Sheikh Hasina from power.

The political landscape of Bangladesh has been dominated by two families—the Sheikh and Zia families—who have collectively controlled the reins of power for 41 of the 53 years since the country's independence.

Now, after the violent overthrow of the Hasina government on 5 August 2024, the question that has been circulated around the country — will there be a dominant youth-led alternative to challenge the traditional two-party system in the next polls?

In a country where even personal relationships are determined by who you vote for, breaking the two-party cycle is a herculean task indeed. However, the titanic shift in Bangladeshi politics caused by the July Revolution has changed all equations.

The youth has shown the country — yes, our voice matters. 

And their hopes for a fresh start is bolstered by the prospects of a new youth-led political movement emerging. Students against Discrimination, led by Sarjis Alam, Hasnat Abdullah, Nusrat Tabassum, Abdul Kader and others, are at present visiting all 64 districts to connect with protesters and youth leaders. 

Additionally, a 55-member National Citizens' Committee was launched on 8 September with Muhammad Nasiruddin Patwari as the convener and Akhtar Hossain, a former social welfare secretary of Dhaka University Central Students' Union, as the member secretary. The committee aims to support the newly formed government, bring it under accountability, address the remnants of the former autocratic system and reform the nation, and influence policymaking in the public interest. 

These are fueling hopes for a new party before the next election. 

The potential for a new political force in Bangladesh

We have seen new parties like Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) in India or Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) in Pakistan rising from the scratch to challenge the two-party system. So, can this be replicated in Bangladesh as well?

"Every person has the right to form a political party," said the veteran political theorist and prominent activist Farhad Mazhar, "After such a mass-uprising, people will undoubtedly express their desire and exercise their newfound political freedom through various parties, whether it is the youth or older people. For this reason, I feel like it is a positive sign that people are voicing their demands for a new political party."

"The conventional political parties had not been able to uproot the fascist regime. From this, we can understand that the popular support is not behind them. If it was so, then the mass uprising would have been led by the BNP. But no, the youth have led it," he added.

So, to him, it is evident that the people trust the youth. And they want to break away from the two-party cycle. 

However, successfully braving through a revolution and transitioning into a brand new political party are two different ball games. That is how Dr Abdul Latif Masum, retired professor of the Department of Government and Politics, Jahangirnagar University, and former vice chancellor of Patuakhali Science and Technology University, views the situation.

"A dominant political party like BNP or AL has connections to various stakeholders of the state, like civil society, bureaucracy, and local administration. In a complex political landscape such as ours, gaining mass popularity and acceptance is a tough job."

"But what they can do is play the long game," he suggested, "give smart campaigns, engage with the voters. That way, in a few years, they can become a strong force."

Unmesh Roy, the chairman of the Department of Bangla at the Barisal University, has been an active supporter of the July Revolution. He was even threatened with suspension from his University position. Being a lifelong activist, he sees the growing support for the new third force being constrained by its urban supporter base.

"Unless a party has an active committee at the ward or union level, it has no chance to become a viable force in power politics," he says. 

"Look, even a farmer is a supporter of either BNP or AL. Can the new party reach the farmers? Social media perception does not translate to votes, you know?"

Exploiting the power vacuum post-revolution, the new party may succeed, thinks Zahid Ahsan, a writer and human rights activist who was an active activist in the revolution. 

"The new party may become a dominant force if it can preserve the spirit of the revolution. During the revolution, all binaries were broken. It was an inclusive force. And if the new party can encapsulate inclusiveness and go beyond the typical political binaries, it will be welcomed."

Another crucial factor will be leadership. The new party will need a leader or a group of leaders who can articulate a clear vision for the future, someone who can unite the various factions within the movement and present a credible alternative to the existing political leadership. Without a leader, a party is just a faceless name on the poster. 

Unmesh Roy pointed it out as well, "Imran Khan was somebody before he became the prime minister. Yet he had to be on the field for 20 years. Without an icon, no party can become a dominant force in the subcontinent."

Will the young revolutionaries be able to create a formidable political party?

The Gen-Z's demands for greater transparency, accountability, and democratic reform may resonate with a broader segment of the population, including many who have traditionally supported the AL or BNP but are now disillusioned with the direction of the country.

Tanvir Thamid, a non-resident student and activist, had flown home from the United States to join the protests in July. It seems to him like a utopian idea that the youth leaders would suddenly become a contender in national politics against parties like the BNP. 

"The key question now is how they will capitalise on that support and manifest it into a tangible political force," Tanvir said.

One of the biggest concerns is the organisation and mobilisation of the new party. Farhad Mazhar thinks that the youth are capable enough to organise a strong party. He seems confident about the capability and the popularity of the young leaders.

"The youth who have led such a historic mass uprising will be able to manage a party—anyone with common sense can see that. It is obvious that there is an existing organisation and coordination among the students; they are just yet to name it as a political party."

"We have seen how powerful their coordination and cohesion are. We have seen its result as well. So it is quite normal to assume that they are a strong organised force. In the future, their organisational capability will be immense."

But, there are sceptics like Meem Arafat Manab, an activist and lecturer at BRAC University. "In the next election, any new party has no chance whatsoever. But if they start now, 10-15 years later, things may change."

Zahid Ahsan cautioned against any possible backtracking from the goals of the revolution too.

"If the unity that played a vital role in the revolution is broken, and the new party betrays the spirit of the revolution, then I think it will become another footnote in our political chapter."

But there are potential voters who would close their eyes and vote for any new party emerging from the revolution, such as the banker Supria Shabnom Protiva.

"I could never vote in my life. I will cast my first vote for the young party who would love the country, think of the people, and not misuse power."

Or young student Mehedi Hasan Akash, who shed blood in the July Revolution.

"The students, who shed their blood to ensure the rights of the people, will not disappoint the nation if the responsibility of the country's governance is entrusted to them. The people will welcome them."

Now, if the young revolutionaries form a new party and participate in the next election, will they become a viable force in our parliamentary democracy? We do not know yet. But for now, after years, we love the noise of democracy!