Justice, reforms, and legacy of revolution: The interim government's path forward

Illustration: TBS.

The July-August 2024 student-led revolution, sparked by Dhaka University students, began as a protest against the government job quota system, but quickly became a broader movement against Sheikh Hasina's regime. Despite her flaunting the moniker "Mother of Humanity," the massacre of protestors by her regime, ending on 5 August, hastened her downfall.

The one-month anniversary of this momentous event has been celebrated with great hope, but as the dust settles, critical questions about the future of Bangladesh remain. It is time for the interim government to step up and deliver justice and reforms.

The interim government, led by Nobel Laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus, was seen as a beacon of hope due to his global reputation for peace and social justice. His leadership was seen as a necessary force to guide the country through this turbulent period, and his administration has already successfully piloted various challenges, such as preventing mutiny within the security forces and managing tensions among political and ethnic minorities. 

Despite early successes, the road to a democratic Bangladesh remains uncertain. The interim government's key challenge is its slow progress in reforming state institutions, like the constitution, which have long enabled authoritarian control. Without these reforms, centralised power may continue, obstructing true democratic and accountable governance.

For instance, the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), which was added to the US Department of the Treasury's Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) list under the Global Magnitsky Act (GLOMAG) on 10 December 2021, remains a focal point of controversy. 

Despite international sanctions over human rights abuses, no major reforms or accountability have been implemented for RAB, the paramilitary force notorious for extrajudicial killings. Families of victims still seek justice, yet the government has taken no meaningful action to disband or reform the force. If Bangladesh is to rebuild itself as a true democracy, justice for past abuses must be at the forefront.

Similarly, the Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI) has been another state apparatus implicated in rights violations. Under the previous regime, the DGFI was instrumental in suppressing dissent, monitoring opposition figures, and enforcing the will of the government through fear and intimidation. 

Without addressing the role of the DGFI in past abuses, there can be no genuine reconciliation or progress towards a fairer state. 

So, it is a positive sign that the government has formed a new Commission of Inquiry on Enforced Disappearances where people can lodge complaints against any law enforcement agency including - Police, Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI), National Intelligence Agency (NSI) etc. 

Police reform is an urgent and critical need in the post-crisis times. During the protests, the police were heavily misused for state repression, leading to the deaths of thousands of students and civilians, as well as significant police casualties. This tragedy has deeply eroded public trust in the police, leaving the relationship between police and people severely damaged. Rebuilding this trust is crucial for any successful democratic transition.

Reforming and reconstituting the police force is essential—not only to ensure that law enforcement serves to protect the people, rather than being a tool of state violence, but also to prevent further abuses and foster accountability. 

To that end, the interim government has decided to form a commission to reform the police force on 11 September, which will be headed by Safar Raj Hossain, former home secretary. 

A transparent, accountable, and community-centred police force can help heal the deep divisions left by the movement and lay the groundwork for a more just and equitable society. Without prioritising police reform, the cycle of mistrust and violence will continue to undermine Bangladesh's democratic aspirations.

The most significant oversight of the interim government has been its failure to initiate a process of transitional justice. 

Following Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's departure, many anticipated that the Awami League (AL) and its affiliates, including student organisations, would be held accountable for their roles in undermining democratic principles, corruption, and human rights abuses. 

However, no significant steps have been taken to ensure accountability. Transitional justice measures, such as truth commissions, trials for rights violators, and reparations for victims, are crucial to healing the deep wounds left by the previous regime. 

Without these efforts, Bangladesh's political landscape remains at risk of repeating the same abuses, similar to the unresolved issues surrounding 1971 war criminals.

Furthermore, the need for reform within the Awami League itself cannot be overstated. The party, which once played a crucial role in the country's independence, has in recent years become synonymous with corruption and authoritarianism. 

For Bangladesh to move forward, the AL must undergo a thorough internal reckoning. Party members implicated in abuses should face justice, and a proposal for the party's reformation should be put forward.

Finally, while the interim government has made commendable strides in stabilising the country and preventing further unrest, its lack of progress on key issues such as security apparatus reform, accountability for past abuses, and transitional justice is concerning. 

Dr Yunus's administration must take bold and decisive action in these areas if it is to fulfil the hopes and aspirations of those who fought for freedom in the July Revolution. The road ahead will not be easy, but with the right reforms, Bangladesh can emerge from this period stronger and more democratic than ever before.

Dr Sazzad Siddiqui is the Associate Professor for the Department of Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Dhaka.

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard.