4 provinces proposal: Do we really need it?

Illustration: TBS

The Public Administration Reform Commission is exploring a proposal to divide Bangladesh's four original divisions — Dhaka, Chattogram, Rajshahi and Khulna — into provinces. While the commission has yet to submit its full report, a recent event attended by its members offered a glimpse into this prospective decentralisation strategy, though specifics about the provinces' structure and functions remain unclear.

While proponents argue that a provincial system would decentralise governance, critics point out that Bangladesh's compact geography and existing administrative divisions make the proposal unnecessary. 

Historically, decentralisation has been an elusive goal. 

From the Bengal Village Self-Government Act of 1919 to the Local Government Act of 2009, the country has witnessed various reform initiatives aimed at strengthening local government bodies. Yet, these efforts have failed to achieve their intended outcomes due to a lack of political will and bureaucratic resistance​.

Professor Dr Sadik Hasan of the Department of Public Administration, Dhaka University, emphasises that strengthening local governments rather than creating new provinces is a more viable solution. He argues that provinces may introduce additional layers of bureaucracy, increasing inefficiency. 

"Given the current context in Bangladesh, it is an unrealistic proposal," he remarked.

Dr Asif M Shahan, associate professor at the Department of Development Studies, Dhaka University, said, "Opting for a provincial government system is of course an option, but the question is, is that the right option? What can we achieve by it that we can't achieve by strengthening our existing system?" 

He added, "We need to consider a few things: What is the outcome if we can devolve power to local government and allow the local government representatives to plan and implement policies and programs properly while giving them the necessary financial authority?" 

Without considering those and without a detailed analysis, this decision does not make any sense. It may very well break our already broken system, he added.

"We can delegate the responsibilities to the divisions. If we can give the local governments the political and administrative powers they need, we can decentralise within the existing framework."

Dr Sadik Hasan, Professor, Department of Public Administration, University of Dhaka

A provincial system would likely create overlapping responsibilities and foster turf wars between the central and provincial governments. This is a common issue in federal systems worldwide and could further delay public services. Instead, decentralising power within the current divisional framework could streamline governance without adding administrative burdens​. 

Dhaka's dominance as the political and economic epicentre of Bangladesh is a key issue in the decentralisation debate. Proponents of provincialisation argue that it would distribute power more equitably across regions. 

However, history suggests otherwise. 

For example, despite the creation of the upazila system under President Ershad in the 1980s, bureaucrats resisted devolving real power to local governments. The same pattern could repeat under a provincial system, with central authorities reluctant to relinquish control​. 

"The bureaucracy does not want to devolve the power to the local governments, for it would reduce their power and prestige. When General Ershad created the upazila system, he had many provisions for power-sharing," Dr Sadik Hasan said. 

"But as time progressed, the upazila chairman started to lose power to the UNOs. The UNOs were supposed to be the secretaries of the upazila parishad, and they were supposed to write the Annual Confidential Report (ACR) for the UNOs. The bureaucrats did not agree to it at all." 

Even in Dhaka city itself, the elected mayors fought hard with the bureaucracy for greater autonomy for decades to no avail. 

Mohammad Hanif, as the first democratically elected Dhaka City Corporation (DCC) mayor in 1994, advocated for a metropolitan government to address the city's governance challenges. 

In 1996, after the Awami League came to power, Hanif submitted a proposal to the local government ministry to create a coordination body integrating key service organisations, including the DCC, Dhaka Water Supply and Sewerage Authority, Dhaka Electric Supply Authority, Titas Gas, Dhaka Metropolitan Police, Bangladesh Railway and Rajdhani Unnayan Kartripakkha. 

However, the ministry deemed the proposal impractical, citing the government's reluctance to grant DCC authority over service providers, particularly the Dhaka Metropolitan Police. Conflicts of interest among contractors and workers further complicated the matter.

Despite his efforts, the Awami League government, to which Hanif belonged, only formed a coordination body under the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives. This initiative was short-lived and eventually abandoned.

A similar scenario occurred during the tenure of Sadeque Hossain Khoka, elected as DCC mayor in 2002. Under his leadership, a high-powered 35-member coordination committee, comprising service provider heads and civil society representatives, was formed. Yet it also failed to sustain operations. 

Ultimately, responsibility shifted to the Prime Minister's Office, where the principal secretary acted as the chief coordinator, sidelining the elected mayor's authority.

Rather than creating provinces, Bangladesh can achieve meaningful decentralisation by strengthening the existing divisions and upazilas. This approach avoids the risks of adding unnecessary bureaucratic layers while addressing the inefficiencies that plague local governance.

"We can delegate the responsibilities to the divisions. If we can give the local governments the political and administrative powers they need, we can decentralise within the existing framework," said Dr Hasan.  

Furthermore, creating provinces might make politics more confrontational and add fuel to our current stage of political polarisation. For instance, it is quite likely that under a provincial system, the central and provinces will have separate governments. Both Dr Sadik Hasan and Dr Asif Shahan think that in that case, things might get nasty. 

Although the constitution mandates such decentralisation, the centralised bureaucracy often undermines it. The Upazila Parishad Act of 2009 and similar laws have provisions to strengthen local bodies, but these are rarely implemented effectively. 

According to our constitution's Section 59, the local government is with administration, maintaining public order, and implementing plans for public services and economic development. But in reality, bureaucrats, such as district commissioners and UNOs, often retain significant control over decision-making, sidelining elected representatives. ​

One of the main obstacles to effective local governance in Bangladesh has been the central bureaucracy's resistance to devolving power. Historical examples, such as the upazila system's failure to empower elected officials, highlight how bureaucratic dominance has stifled decentralisation. 

For instance, UNOs and DCs should act as facilitators rather than gatekeepers, ensuring that resources and authority are distributed equitably to local bodies​. But instead, they concentrate power on themselves. Why?

​"Because to us, decentralisation was just rhetoric; we did not empower the local government institutions, didn't allow economic activities to take place, or had authority over the work for economic development," thinks Dr Shahan.

"In different parts of the world, concepts like local economic development have emerged where districts are supposed to use their comparative advantages to ensure local growth. But we didn't do that and depended on Dhaka for everything. 

"Now, provincialism, on paper, creates an opportunity for other districts or divisions, but the question remains the same: will these bodies enjoy enough power or authority to make changes happen? If not, then what's the point? If yes, then why can't we try it with our existing structure and see if that works?"