Reverse brain drain can help solve bureaucratic inertia

Illustration: TBS

At the height of the July Revolution in Bangladesh, as people were rising up against autocracy, there was this rather cynical question that resounded throughout the halls of power and from its loyalist mouthpieces: "If not Awami League, then who?" 

This was no real question; it was a well-crafted attempt at delegitimising the revolution and framing its supporters as chaotic, leaderless, and less than human.

The regime's propagandists, journalists, and civil society elites weaponised this narrative to project Bangladesh as a nation incapable of leadership beyond the Awami League's grip.

But the revolution did not falter. The response came swift and resolute: #ReverseBrainDrainBD. It rallied expatriate professionals—scientists, entrepreneurs, engineers, and academics—who came forward with the offer of lending their global expertise to rebuild a nation free from authoritarianism. 

More than a movement, it was a declaration that the talent of Bangladesh stretched far beyond the oppressive regime, firing up hope for a future propelled by knowledge, innovation, and purpose.

Yet, this transformative promise is now under fire from an internal foe: the bureaucratic cut-off party. Much like a military cut-off party severs supply lines to weaken the enemy, the assorted entrenched bureaucrats left over from the previous regime have turned their expertise toward sabotaging progress. 

Deliberate inefficiency, selective gatekeeping, and endless procedural delays quietly erode the momentum of initiatives like #ReverseBrainDrainBD from within. These remnants of Hasina's regime are aware that survival is not in confrontation but in subtle, systematic obstruction. 

A cut-off party operates behind enemy lines to disrupt supply, communication, and reinforcement, forcing the adversary into reactive measures that ultimately weaken its resolve and capability. This tactic finds a striking parallel in governance, where entrenched bureaucrats act as a cut-off party against reform. By delaying or obstructing initiatives like #ReverseBrainDrainBD through procedural barriers and cautionary advisories, they stifle innovation and maintain the status quo—not for progress, but for self-preservation.

The fall of the Sheikh Hasina regime during the July Revolution underscored a critical shift. Bureaucrats, long adept at navigating shifting political landscapes through loyalty and complacency, found their way of life under threat. These individuals had been instrumental in enabling systems of corruption, voter suppression, and human rights violations, often cloaked in professionalism. With the regime's collapse, they came under public scrutiny, even as they outwardly pledged allegiance to the new government.

In response, many bureaucrats strategically adopted a facade of cooperation while using their entrenched influence to slow, dilute, or block reforms. It is important to note, however, that not all bureaucrats are complicit. A minority within the system may genuinely support innovation and change. Yet, the majority, conditioned by decades of self-preservation, remain resistant to the very idea of transformation.

Consider #ReverseBrainDrainBD: it was billed as a transformational initiative but then was systematically undermined. 

While professionals from all over the world wanted to return so that they could make a real difference, a few youths were placed in superficial roles—part-time assistants in traffic rather than positioned to drive systemic reform. It's not simple inefficiency; it's active gatekeeping: keeping the real authority within the old guard, ensuring their hold on power remains unchallenged.

Their arguments are as predictable as they are manipulative: "How will the government run without experienced hands?"; "Hiring directly from campaigns like #ReverseBrainDrainBD is illegal."; "The drastic change will backfire and destabilise the system."

They blur the fact that that very same "experience" enabled 16 years of systemic corruption, election rigging, and repression under Hasina.

The worst and most insidious result of such a bureaucratic cut-off strategy is the sapping of revolutionary momentum. The youth who drove the July Movement forward with their creativity and resilience are being marginalised. 

Early attempts to bring younger minds into governance have fallen away to be largely replaced by familiar faces of those who prospered under Hasina's rule. 

This betrayal can be read in incidents like the harassment of Law Advisor Asif Nazrul during his visit to Switzerland. His security arrangements, both physical and informational, were so weak that it can hardly be explained as anything other than deliberate negligence. This is only one illustration of a pattern of bureaucratic sabotage more broadly, where the aim is to undermine reformers and maintain the status quo.

#ReverseBrainDrainBD is a goldmine of untapped talent and opportunity. But this potential is being throttled by bureaucratic inaction. Their methods aren't complex, just efficient:

Tokenism: Placing returning professionals in token positions while keeping real power at the centre.

Delay Tactics: Loading reform efforts down with perpetual procedural reviews.

Fear-Mongering: Emphasising the dangers of change while hiding success stories.

Not only do these tactics stall progress, but they also demoralise those who could be the catalysts for transformation. The bureaucrats have such good narrative-manipulating abilities that even some of the former revolutionaries are now echoing the refrain: "We can't throw everyone out." Forgetting that, this is the same logic Hasina loyalists used to justify their monopoly on power.

The way forward 

During a recent media briefing, the adviser to the Ministry of Law, Justice, and Parliamentary Affairs, Asif Nazrul, casually remarked that it takes over an hour to fetch a "singara" at the secretariat—an attempt to highlight government inefficiency. Allow us to share a story in this context.

After the 1972 Simla Accord, India's then Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, believed the agreement was a resounding success. Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw, known for his sharp wit, famously remarked, "Bhutto has made a monkey out of you," pointing out how Zulfikar Ali Bhutto had turned the tables on her. What Indira failed to grasp was that it wasn't just Bhutto—it was her own bureaucrats who had spun the illusion of victory until Manekshaw shattered it. 

Mr Advisor, rest assured, this inefficiency isn't just about Singaras or simple bureaucratic sluggishness. This won't even be limited to just one fire incident in the secretariat. It's inefficiency, non-cooperation, and sabotage on a level so insidious that even a cunning leader like Indira Gandhi was blindsided. 

If you and your team remain unprepared, you won't even realise what's happening until the bureaucracy has made a "monkey" out of the interim government. 

The interim government bears a crucial responsibility to turn the revolution's promises into lasting achievements to overcome entrenched barriers, independent task forces must be established, bringing together revolutionaries, returning professionals, and experts to lead transformative projects with clear authority and measurable results.

Bureaucrats should be reminded that their allegiance lies with the people, not past regimes. Citizen review boards can act as reform watchdogs, promoting accountability and transparency while fostering public trust and shared ownership in national development.

Picture a young revolutionary-turned-administrator spearheading a digital literacy campaign, closing education gaps swiftly. Imagine citizens, equipped with transparency tools, actively shaping governance. This is the future envisioned by the July Revolution—within reach if the interim government acts decisively.

The July Revolution was a victory of courage over oppression, but its legacy depends on action. Bureaucratic inertia must not reduce it to a fleeting moment of hope. With bold and timely measures, the government can secure the revolution's lasting impact and national progress.

The goldmine of #ReverseBrainDrainBD must be opened, and it has to be ensured that the promise of the revolution is implemented. The new Bangladesh has to rise to the challenge instead of allowing the gatekeepers to bury its future.

Abu Rushd is the President of the Institute of Strategy and Tactics Research (ISTR). He is famously known for his books written on Indian Intelligence Operations in Bangladesh, Counter-Insurgency, and Human rights, etc. He is the founder and Editor-in-Chief of Bangladesh Defence Journal. 

M Zakir Hossain Khan is the Director of Nature and Integrity at ISTR. 

Salman Chowdhury is the Director of National Security and External Affairs at ISTR. 

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard.