Abdul Kader: The mastermind behind the nine-point demand

The fall of Hasina was not the result of a single masterstroke, nor was it orchestrated by just one leader or driven by a singular plan. The coordination was more like a relay race: when one group of coordinators was apprehended, a new group emerged to take charge.

Each participant in this relay was equally crucial. Abdul Kader played his part by introducing the nine-point demand, which became the centrepiece of the movement after the quota was reduced from 56% to 7%. He carried on the movement after the six key coordinators were picked up by Detective Branch (DB). 

The focus on these demands was logical. "For the lives of so many, quota reduction could no longer be the only outcome," said Abdul Kader.

With dreams to change his family's poverty-ridden fate, Abdul Kader enrolled at Dhaka University in the 2018-19 session, ranking 366th in the B Unit entrance exam. He couldn't pursue his favourite subject, law, and instead opted for Social Welfare, a department he mockingly refers to as "Azimpur University" since it's located in Azimpur, away from the main campus.

While studying at Dhaka College, Kader often visited the Dhaka University campus. "Whenever I was upset, I'd spend some time in front of Bijoy Eattar Hall—it looked nice from the outside," he said. "It inspired me to get into DU."

Before Kader was born, his father, Andur Rahim, prayed for a child for seven years and promised to make him Hafiz (someone who has memorised the entire Quran) if his wish was granted. Born and raised in Mandari, Lakshmipur, Kader's early education followed this path. He spent one and a half years trying to become a Hafiz but couldn't continue it— memorisation just was not his thing, so he switched to a general madrasa and later transitioned to the national curriculum, eventually enrolling at Dhaka College.

His family's financial situation was not great. Therefore his two younger brothers are also enrolled in madrasa, studying in class 6 and 7. His father, a security guard, sent him Tk 3,000 monthly to cover his expenses in Dhaka. "I could somehow manage within that amount in the hostel," Kader said. His mother Fatema Begum has been his constant support in everything, and his relatives also provided financial support.

Kader's maternal uncle was the only educated person in the family; he studied Arabic at DU. But Kader's mother wanted Kader to be a lawyer. "My mother had a fascination with the law profession, so I dreamed of becoming a lawyer and wearing that black gown," shared Kader. "She also instilled in me the habit of standing up against any wrongdoing." However, due to a slight weakness in English, his marks didn't qualify him for Law or International Relations, his second preference.

Living arrangements were split between staying at the hall and his relatives' home in Azimpur. He eventually got into the Bijoy Ekattor hall, sharing a Ganaroom (a living room shared with 100 others) under Chhatra League leader Abu Eunus, who is known as one of the most aggressive leaders in the movement.

On Thursday, 1 August, the six released leaders warned Kader that authorities were labelling him a militant and actively searching for him. "I was in a vulnerable position, gripped by tension, unsure if I would be picked up or killed. Every day, I mentally and spiritually prepared for the possibility that I might not survive the day."

Then came 7 October 2019, the day BUET student Abrar Fahad was beaten to death by Chhatra League members. Following that, Kader commented on a Facebook post against the guest room and ganaroom culture at the university. This led to a confrontation with the League leaders, and he was eventually ousted from his residential hall.

Kader consistently voiced his opinions on various issues and spoke out at every protest, regardless of his direct involvement. Given his political leanings, he considered joining a political party and attended events by several, trying to find the right fit. However, none appealed to him entirely, leaving him undecided.

In 2020, Kader endured a big blow. His father lost his job. Kader felt a growing sense of responsibility and began working to support himself and his family. He started in the cutting section of a garment factory in Savar and later moved to a mask factory, earning just enough to get by. "I had to earn money any way possible," Kader explained. During the Covid-19 lockdown, with no academic activities, this became his life.

Because of his outspoken posts on social media, Kader became increasingly isolated. Some friends distanced themselves, fearing backlash from the Chhatra League, while others grew ideologically opposed to him. "I felt very alone; that period hurt me a lot," Kader recalled.

By 2022, Kader became politically active with Bangladesh Chhatra Odhikar Parishad, alongside student leaders like Asif Mahmud and Akhtar Hossain. That year, they organised a programme to observe Abrar Fahad's death anniversary, which led to a confrontation with the Chhatra League. Kader and 23 others were arrested, marking his first time in jail. He spent 31 days in Keraniganj Jail, which he believes changed everything for him. Throughout this time, his family's financial struggles continued.

His mother often warned, "If you die, we have no hope left," but Kader knew how to respond: "So, do you want me to stop protesting wrongdoing?" This left his mother speechless, as it was her teachings he was using against her. In their struggling life, if one thing she taught her son it would be to stand by the right cause.

Kader continued to stand up for what he believed was right. So he protested on 5 June this year when the high court reinstated the quota system for government jobs that had been cancelled in 2018. Little did he know that it would snowball to a mammoth revolution. 

Kader in the movement 

Abdul Kader is no longer involved with Bangladesh Chhatra Odhikar Parishad. Following his political mentor Asif Mahmud (currently an adviser in the interim government), he joined Ganantrik Chhatra Shakti, a newly founded political organisation. 

On 5 June, in their internal WhatsApp group, Nahid Islam first texted, "We need to instantly protest against the quota reinstatement." Like any other day, Kader was at his tutoring session but rushed back to campus. That night, Rifat Rashid opened the Facebook group named "Quota Must Not Be Reinstated." Hasib Al Islam, Abu Baker Mazumder, Asif Mahmud, and Abdul Hannan Masud went to the central library and rallied people to protest with them in front of the Central Library. Kader joined the protest, and it all started from there.

Recognising that the cause was greater than the presence of any political group, they aimed to keep it inclusive and open for all, not under the banner of Chhatra Shakti. Renowned campus voices like Hasnat Abdullah and Sarjis Alam joined the protest the next day. As summer and Eid vacation approached, they paused the protest and resumed after Eid.

When they reconvened on 5 July, Hannan Masud proposed the banner name "Students Against Discrimination." One thing led to another, and on 14 July, they submitted a petition to the president and that day Sheikh Hasina stated the controversial "razakar" comment. That night, the campus erupted in protest.

Kader was involved throughout the protest. "On 16 July, we gathered at Shaheed Minar where we received the news that Abu Sayeed died at Begum Rokeya University."

That day, six people died, and the protest took a new turn.

They held a Zoom meeting at midnight. The first agenda was clear: "We've lost six students; is just quota reformation enough?" They unanimously agreed that it wasn't. "The home minister must resign, and the Prime Minister must publicly apologise," Kader recalled. Apart from this, different demands came up, which later were organised in the nine-point demand.

The protest rapidly escalated, with more lives lost. On 19 July, Nahid was arrested; Asif and Baker had been arrested two days earlier. Hasnat and Sarjis met three ministers, and proposed an eight-point demand which was highlighted in the media.

However, Kader noticed that these eight points missed some crucial demands that had been discussed earlier. He began to take action. Kader redrafted the demands and pushed them through media outlets from 20 July onwards. 

"When we saw that the circulated eight-point demand was not our demands, we disowned that and released a nine-point demand which was supported by over 50 coordinators," he continued. "But DGFI contacted media houses and instructed them not to publish the nine-point demand, only to focus on the eight points, which we believe were revised by DGFI," Kader stated.

Without internet access, Kader had to send the demands point by point to journalists. In some cases, they were delivered via pen drives. "I used a basic phone," Kader explained. "Every night at 9 pm, I would speak with the media. Wherever I was, I would go two kilometres away, turn on my phone, have media correspondence, turn off the phone and return to my place."

Kader spent each night at a different location, sometimes even in a mosque, continuing to push the nine-point demand. On 24 July, his mentor Asif was found on a road after four days of abduction. Asif called Kader, saying, "You have obstructed their game plan. Your nine-point demand is changing the movement. They are now after you. Stay careful."

Interestingly, the general public rejected the eight-point demand, instead rallying behind the nine-point version, which was published in some print media, including The Business Standard.

An injured Nahid returned from the grip of law enforcers and was admitted to a hospital. He also sidelined the nine-point demand, focusing instead on immediate stability with a four-point demand, including the restoration of internet connections.

On 26 and 27 July, six key coordinators were picked up, creating a leadership vacuum. With the movement now centred around the nine-point demand announced in Abdul Kader's name, he took the strike this time.

The internet was restored, and Kader realised the gravity of the situation. "We felt that so many people had lost their lives in response to our call. With lives at stake, quota reform couldn't be the only answer—the government needed to pay a hefty price. That's why the nine-point demand was crafted to startle the government."

With senior leaders in DB custody, Kader and the juniors took charge. "I set the agenda. Our think tank wanted to go slow, but we juniors saw that the longer we waited, the more bodies we'd have to count. So, after internal debates, we decided to continue with field protests."

On Thursday, 1 August, the six released leaders warned Kader that authorities were labelling him a militant and actively searching for him. "I was in a vulnerable position, gripped by tension, unsure if I would be picked up or killed. Every day, I mentally and spiritually prepared myself for the possibility that I might not survive the day."

Leading the protest with the nine-point demand, Kader's family faced harassment from the police, who threatened his relatives and pressured them to stop him.

Because of being detained, the seniors were not fully aware of the field, therefore, they took a backseat and let Kader and juniors lead for a couple of days more. After consulting with them, Kader proposed a one-point demand—the resignation of the prime minister.

There were debates about whether to pursue the one-point demand, but eventually, the others were convinced. When they saw widespread support for the cause, they announced the demand from Central Shaheed Minar on 4 August and set the long march on 6 August. But seeing the mayhem that day, Kader and juniors again convinced the seniors to advance the long march on 5 August. 

And the rest is history.

Kader is now focusing on completing his graduation, and preparing himself for the Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU) election and plans to join mainstream politics after completing his education. His family and parents have endured a lot, but they are now happy that people appreciate and respect them.