Anatomy of a fall: How Bangladesh's local government was left crippled

After Sheikh Hasina's removal from power, the local government system collapsed like a house of cards. This unprecedented event was marked by the mass withdrawal of all city corporation mayors and over 1,800 other elected local government officials from public life.

Their absence brought services to a standstill, forcing the interim government to dismiss them all in a single day by creating new legal provisions through ordinances. This development substantiated claims that the Hasina government had indiscriminately politicised mayors and chairpersons of city corporations, municipalities, and zila and upazila parishads, transforming them into extensions of her party to tighten control at the grassroots level.

In their place, administrators were appointed to run the local government bodies. Divisional commissioners, deputy commissioners (DCs), and upazila nirbahi officers (UNOs) were tasked with resuming service delivery. These appointments effectively ended the long-standing conflict between civil servants and elected representatives over dominance in local governance.

Repairing this system remains one of the major challenges for the interim government, which has formed the Local Government Reform Commission to address the issue.

Dream versus reality

Constitutionally, the local government—a fundamental pillar of national governance—is expected to coordinate and execute local development projects in every city and town of Bangladesh. The constitution empowers these institutions to maintain public order, prepare and execute plans for public services and economic development, impose local taxes, prepare budgets, and sustain funds.

However, the vision of a strong local government system, as enshrined in the constitution, remains elusive. Successive governments have bypassed the constitutional clause to appease the civil bureaucracy, prioritising administrative loyalty over democratic empowerment. This ensured centralised political gains, including the use of force to suppress opposition and influence general elections.

A parallel governance structure has emerged, with DCs, UNOs, and divisional commissioners dominating local administration and maintaining strong links to central bureaucracy. These bureaucrats hold significant authority over local government operations, especially in preserving law and order and executing development projects.

Under the Ministry of Local Government, the Local Government Engineering Department (LGED) has further weakened the system. Initially established to provide technical support for local development projects, LGED has evolved into an implementation agency, directly undertaking rural construction projects like bridges and roads. As a result, the local government structure, as outlined in the constitution, exists only in theory.

What remains of local government?

Local government bodies receive a portion of development funds annually to execute limited projects. Their roles include collecting holding taxes, issuing trade licences, and managing waste disposal and mosquito control. While service delivery continues under appointed administrators and some councillors, progress remains slow.

The roots of a crippled system

The erosion of local government began in January 1975 when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman abolished the system through the Fourth Constitutional Amendment. Although subsequent martial law regimes under General Ziaur Rahman and General Ershad reinstated it, they exploited local government bodies to strengthen their political parties and consolidate rural power bases.

Post-1990, with the restoration of democracy, ruling parties further politicised local government agencies, using them as tools to reward grassroots leaders. This trend worsened under the Hasina government, especially after the one-sided January 2014 elections, where local government elections were rarely free or fair. Local government bodies became extensions of the ruling Awami League (AL), with widespread allegations of abuse of power, corruption, and manipulation.

After Sheikh Hasina's departure, these politicised figures disappeared from public life, leaving behind a weakened system.

Is there an alternative?

Decentralisation of power and a strong local government are essential for governance and economic development. According to a 2019 report by World Bank experts John Roome, Annie Gapihan, and Hyunji Lee, no nation has transitioned from middle-income status without developing its cities.

With 38% of its population urbanised, Bangladesh needs to ensure livable, productive cities to harness the benefits of urbanisation. A lack of strong local government results in excessive centralisation, causing governance failures and uneven development. Dhaka, as the political and administrative hub, has become overburdened, while other cities remain neglected.

Promises and reality

In its 2008 election manifesto, the AL pledged to strengthen local government and transform small towns into economic hubs. However, these promises were never fulfilled. Former Finance Minister AMA Muhith repeatedly emphasised the importance of empowering local government, but his calls went unanswered.

Recommendations from the reform commission

The Local Government Reform Commission has proposed significant reforms to strengthen grassroots democracy. Key recommendations include holding local government elections before national elections under a neutral caretaker administration, conducting these elections simultaneously to reduce costs, and introducing non-partisan local elections to depoliticise governance. Other suggestions include increasing the number of wards in densely populated Union Parishads for better representation and service delivery.

These reforms, if implemented, could pave the way for a stronger, more effective local government system, essential for Bangladesh's development.