Rebuilding trust through urgent police reform
After decades of political interference, the police have become a symbol of fear rather than safety. Reforms are essential to restore integrity and accountability
Following the events of July and August 2024, police reform has become a widely discussed issue. While the government has already established six commissions to reform several important organisations, police reform stands out as one of the most debated subjects across the country.
People from all levels of society, from the educated elite to local communities, are increasingly interested in understanding why police reform is necessary. Naturally, questions arise: why is this reform so urgent, and why is the public so concerned about it?
The answers lie in the actions of the police during the chaotic days of July and August, particularly the events of 36 July (5 August).
In the past 53 years, the public has never witnessed such a brutal and disturbing display by the police. Weapons meant to protect the people were instead used to harm them. Helicopters, purchased with the people's hard-earned money to ensure safety and respond swiftly in emergencies, were used to fire bullets and launch sound grenades at civilians.
This is a stark contrast to a historic moment in the nation's history. On 25 March 1971, when a well-trained army attacked the innocent people of this country, the police from the Rajarbagh Police Lines were the first to resist in defence of the nation.
Despite being outnumbered, many brave police officers sacrificed their lives. Armed only with .303 rifles, the Bangladesh Police fought to the last drop of their blood against an army equipped with LMGs, SMGs, and HMGs—all in defence of the people.
Why are we now witnessing this alarming transformation within the police force? How did it come to this? Over the past 53 years, there have been ups and downs, but nothing as bitter as this. By examining the reasons for this shift, we can uncover not only the problems within the police force but also the root causes of the decline in many institutions across the country.
While time has played a role, the primary cause of this deterioration is the misgovernance of the past 15 years. During this period, not just the police but other vital institutions were deeply influenced by partisan politics. Among government agencies, the police are the most closely connected to the public, giving them significant power to impact lives—both positively and negatively.
When the police are used solely for partisan purposes, the public loses access to genuine police services. Over the last 15 years, the police have been exploited to serve the interests of a select few, turning them against the people and creating an adversarial relationship.
This misuse peaked in July this year when the police were deployed in their most brutal form against the public to help the ruling powers maintain control. Several senior police officials actively supported this misuse, abusing government protection to secure personal benefits. They obtained illegal financial and administrative advantages, contributing to the police force's current state.
Although this truth is now widely recognised, it is unfortunate that many realised it only after the events of 36 July.
Driven by a sense of moral duty, I visited several police stations in my neighbourhood within the Dhaka Metropolitan area a week after that day. My goal was to check on the officers, lift their spirits, and offer encouragement.
Having retired as the Inspector General of Police 19 years ago, I did not expect most personnel to recognise me, nor did I recognise them. However, after speaking with them for 30–35 minutes, I saw many break down in tears.
They said, "Even though you retired 19 years ago, you've come to check on us in these difficult times and even brought food. Meanwhile, our senior officers, who sent us into the battlefield, have secured their own safety. At this critical moment, we have received no instructions—neither verbal, via mobile phone, nor through radio communication."
This issue cannot be resolved superficially; we must delve deeper to address its root causes. Analysing the current state of the police reveals that, in recent years, they were turned into opponents of the public by being used as a partisan tool. This culminated during the July-August movement, where excessive force was used to suppress student and public protests.
Uncontrolled police actions, along with overly eager officers seeking to please the ruling authorities, led to violence against innocent civilians to uphold illegal power. When the authoritarian regime collapsed, the police became the first target of public anger.
This massive outburst was the result of 15 years of pent-up frustration, which finally erupted on 36 July.
The police were unprepared for this backlash. Faced with the deaths of their colleagues, attacks on stations, vandalism, and arson, they tried to escape to save their lives. As a result, after 36 July, the police became largely inactive across the country.
Although the situation has improved somewhat over the past four months, achieving full normalcy and the desired outcomes will take time.
I now better understand the need for police reform and why the government was right to establish a commission to recommend necessary changes.
From what I know, the commission has made significant progress. Although their full report is yet to be published, many of their recommendations have already been shared in the media.
I also had the chance to be involved with such a reform commission. In my view, the key principles of police reform today are to remove the police from political influence, ensure full accountability, and make every officer answerable to their superiors.
In a democratic society like ours, politicians will naturally have some oversight. However, if this is done through appropriate channels, it can benefit everyone.
Among other essential reforms, I believe the following are particularly critical:
- Establishing a police commission to monitor activities and provide guidance throughout the year.
- Overhauling police training, particularly in mob handling and weapon use.
- Reducing ranks to just two—ASP and Constable—to create more promotion opportunities.
- Setting the minimum qualification for Constable positions as the Higher Secondary Certificate (HSC).
- Reviewing the use of firearms and ensuring weapons are assigned based on necessity.
- Disbanding the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) due to its record of human rights violations.
- Strengthening community policing at district and station levels to enhance public participation in crime prevention.
There are many more important recommendations and guidelines for police reform. I have only highlighted a few urgent matters here.
What must be done now? Regardless of who is at fault, it is unacceptable for nearly 215,000 police officers to remain inactive. Criminals must be identified, personnel reassigned, and full commitment restored.
Steps must also be taken to rebuild the morale of the police force. Recovering from this trauma is no small task, but it must be addressed promptly. The government and senior officers bear significant responsibility in this regard.
Most officers live away from their families for extended periods due to inadequate housing, which understandably affects their performance. Thus, housing systems, leave policies, working hours, pay structures, risk allowances, training, and compensation for duty-related deaths need a thorough review.
By addressing these issues and reinforcing systems of rewards and penalties, we can ensure better service from each member of the force.
Police reform is a widely discussed issue at present. I have attempted to address the current state of the police and the necessary reforms. However, when police act according to the rules, if anyone feels aggrieved, patience is essential from all parties.
If protecting lower-ranking officers results in their leaders losing jobs, it not only harms individuals but also the entire force. Solving the problem will be far easier if everyone understands this.
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard.