A force in need of change: Overcoming corruption and political interference in Bangladesh’s police

A new phase of police reform initiatives is under discussion in Bangladesh following the August 2024 mass uprising that ousted the Awami League government and left the police department totally dysfunctional for quite some time. Such an unfortunate situation was created over a long period, as people perceive the police as agents of the party in power, not of the State.

The Interim Government of Dr Mohammad Yunus formed a commission led by seasoned bureaucrat Safar Raz Hossain to propose a way forward. Simultaneously, major UN agencies—UNDP, UNICEF, UN Women, and UNFPA—have launched catalytic initiatives, conducting a series of consultations with stakeholders in divisional headquarters to gather fresh public input on key reform priorities. The US Government's International Criminal Investigative Training Assistance Program (ICITAP) and the State Department's Office of Global Criminal Justice (GCJ) also met with the Commission on police reform, presenting a draft revision of the Bangladesh Police Ordinance (BPO).

The Safar Raz Commission will make a final recommendation, and Dr Yunus will put it forward before the National Consensus Commission (NCC). The NCC will subsequently engage with political parties and other stakeholders to identify areas of national consensus and provide recommendations for implementation.

Against this backdrop, it remains unclear which police reform initiatives will be implemented before the next parliamentary election and which will be left for the next elected government. This article will attempt to shed light on some crucial police reform issues of the recent past and highlight some missing points of lessons for present policymakers to ensure meaningful reforms that truly benefit the people of Bangladesh.

In the recent past, Bangladesh has undertaken police reform programs in two phases: Phase I (2005-2009) and Phase II (2009-2014), with technical assistance from UNDP and financial support from British and European taxpayers. These initiatives aimed at transforming a colonial-style police force into a democratic police service by strengthening their ability to contribute to a safer and more secure environment, based on respect for the rule of law, human rights, and equitable access to justice. Now, a decade later, we are again asking for the same changes, as instances of abuse of power, extrajudicial actions, and bribery have further tarnished its image.

Past reform initiatives have emphasised adopting crime prevention as a concept and shifting towards proactive policing. Bangladeshi cinema often highlights the reactive nature of policing, portraying officers arriving at crime scenes only after the damage is done. For decades, the police have struggled with inadequacies in crime investigation capabilities and methods, operational and prosecution mechanisms, human resource management and training, strategic capacity, future planning, and oversight practices. In addition, significant challenges persist in areas such as gender and child sensitivity, managing cyber and financial crimes, and combating human trafficking—all of which require attention. Above all, the colonial-era laws, rules, and regulations still in practice remain the most pressing issues demanding comprehensive reform.

The initial phase of police reform progressed very slowly, as police leadership viewed the program as a bureaucratic initiative dominated by retired officers and bureaucrats. During this period, reform efforts were largely superficial, focusing on activities like procuring police vehicles from a Minister's company, which led many officials at police headquarters to dismiss the program as ineffective. However, the dynamics shifted when the pro-reform caretaker government assumed power in January 2007. A leadership overhaul replaced the existing hierarchy with a new, more assertive group that began outmaneuvering bureaucrats in several areas. This new leadership made it clear that any reform agenda must be owned and approved by the police themselves, with reforms led by serving officers rather than imposed from outside. This marked a turning point for the police reform program, revealing its complexities and setting the stage for a more internally driven approach.

External interference in police operations has long been a significant issue, and it remains so to this day. When a UNDP study highlighted the issue in 2006, rewriting the Police Act of 1861 to establish clear boundaries emerged as the top reform priority in 2007. A draft ordinance was prepared during the then pro-reformist caretaker regime, but they did not take any risks and left it for the next elected government. It never saw the light of day again. Bureaucratic resistance played a key role in stalling the ordinance, driven by fears that the police might gain independence from bureaucratic control if it became law. It required strong, farsighted political will at the top to push things ahead. As a result, the line between legitimate government oversight and undue political interference remained blurred, leaving the police vulnerable to being used as a political tool.

Impact evaluations of past reforms revealed some positive changes in police attitudes and operational methods. However, public satisfaction with police services declined over time due to unaddressed gaps in the broader justice sector. True progress requires a holistic approach that integrates police reform with judicial and administrative reforms.

Millions of dollars were spent on improving and modernising the police department, but the mass upsurge of 2024 exposed the harsh reality of the limited extent of these changes. Everyone advocates for police reform, yet no one dares to amend the critical laws and regulations needed to make the Bangladesh Police suitable for a democratic society. Politically elected governments in the past have demonstrated how they would exploit the police. Before another such government comes to power, this may be the best time to achieve a broad political agreement on curbing political interference. A robust framework for accountability is essential, including independent oversight bodies, strict disciplinary measures for misconduct, and the cultivation of a culture of transparency.

Farid Ahmed. Sketch: TBS

The police department has long struggled with issues of public trust, often perceived as a politicised and coercive institution rather than a protector of citizens' rights. In the evolving scenario, the police must take ownership of their transformation. They must address the systemic challenges that prevent them from fulfilling their mandate effectively and ethically. The department must recognise that true progress lies in combating corruption, promoting accountability, and rebuilding public trust. Only then can the Bangladesh Police evolve into a professional force that serves and protects its citizens with integrity and dedication.

The writer is a former communications specialist of UNDP's Police Reform Program. He can be reached by email: [email protected] 

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