Structural violence practiced by then Pakistani government resulted in 1971 Liberation War of Bangladesh
The calendar month of March has a great historical significance for Bangladesh since 1971, and it is commemorated every year filled with memories. The nation's historical archives portray this month as a month characterized by mourning, motivation, and unwavering commitment to the self-autonomy of the nation and its citizens. In March 1971, the people of Bangladesh were united to fight for independence when the country's supreme leader, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, officially announced Bangladesh's independence in the early hours of March 26th, 1971.
Sadly, when March came, a group of people who opposed the spirit of the liberation war started to claim that the nation's independence was a consequence of a pre-planned Indian conspiracy to separate Pakistan. This narrative solely stimulated the long-standing hostility between India and Pakistan and their increased security concerns. According to some scholars, the power dynamics between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War had an influence on Bangladesh's Liberation War. This conflict brought India and Pakistan into opposition over the issue of East Pakistan, reigniting decades-old regional disputes. Despite the undeniable nature of these claims, evidence suggests that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had never intended to separate East and West Pakistan until 1969, following his release from the Agartala case that year. He continues to insist on the "maximum autonomy" according to his six-point framework until then.
Upon a deeper investigation of the fundamental trigger beneath Bangladesh's call for liberation, it's evident that it was motivated by the systematic violence against Bangladeshi people inflicted by the Pakistani oppressor. Now, I will shed light on my point of view regarding how structural violence led by the Pakistani government led to the 1971 liberation war in Bangladesh.
In 1947, Pakistan gained independence from the British Raj, following the two-nation theory. Along with Punjab, North-West Frontier Province, Sind, and Baluchistan, the Muslim-majority province of East Bengal (after becoming known as East Pakistan) became a unified Pakistan. It is interesting to note that religion played a significant role in both uniting and dividing Bangladesh and Pakistan during the partition of the subcontinent, while Bangladesh dreamed of an independent secular state with its Bengali nationalism.
After aligning with Pakistan, Bangladesh regretted its historical misstep. From its inception as East Pakistan, the structural violence perpetrated by the Pakistani government exhibited different forms and affected all aspects of Bengali life. There was a severe economic divide; most development attempts and investments went to West Pakistan, while East Pakistan languished in terrible destitution.
This disparity was already widening as per Nurul Islam, the initial Deputy Chairman of the first Planning Commission of Bangladesh, emphasized in his posthumous book titled Bangladesh: Making of a Nation, "the idea Pakistan was really made up of two economies was first put up in 1956 at the Special Conference of Economists of East Pakistan. The Report of the Special Conference of Economists of East Pakistan on the Draft Five-Year Plan, delivered to the Pakistan Planning Commission on September 1, 1956, expanded the core premise of the concept further. This served as the foundation for the development plans for Pakistan, turned East Pakistan into little more than a western backwater"
Examining the theory of inequality and the discussion surrounding the regional disparity between West Pakistan and East Pakistan, he pointed out that the inflexibility of labor between both regions of Pakistan was seen as the driving force behind the notion of two economies. Thus, the lack of employment opportunities in one wing was not alleviated by investment in the other wing, as the labor force in the former was unable to benefit from the opportunities in the latter. The restricted movement of capital and exorbitant transportation expenses exacerbated Bangladesh's call for liberation.
The dynamic political economy of Pakistani capitalism since 1947, exactly drives the national and social uprising that is gradually giving birth to Bangladesh. Khalid Ikram, an economist, explains the root cause of the inequality. He highlights how the concentration of the country's capital in West Pakistan, coupled with dominance in economic policymaking, granted West Pakistani businessmen privileged access to policymakers and made it easier for them to obtain industrial and import licenses. It's expected that the private sector will be more dynamic in West Pakistan than in East Pakistan.
Needless to say, Pakistan experienced two distinct political transitions during the period 1947–71. The central government of the state of Pakistan was established in the western wing of the state, which was mainly influenced by the elite class, which consisted of Punjabi and Muhajir individuals who held control over the bureaucratic apparatus and the armed forces. Indigenous and ethnic groups at the national level, the Bengalis—who lived mostly in East Pakistan—were woefully underrepresented.
Again, from 1955 to 1971, addressing the issue of political representation in East Pakistan, the center compelled four Pakistani ethnic nationalities or provinces to come together and create a single administrative unit. This resulted in the formation of West Pakistan in September 1955. This integration not only solidified the Punjabis and the Muhajirs' control over other ethnic groups in West Pakistan, but it also enhanced the Centre's leverage over provincial governments in the East Wing. The contradictions arising from the capitalist logic of the Decade of Development under an authoritarian military state led to the emergence of regional, social, economic, and political discontent in the late 1960s.
Evidence is more valuable than an example. Through its control over provincial incomes, the Centre maintained its economic dominance over East Pakistan as an observer of political dynamics, it is worth noting that East Pakistan, despite comprising 60% of the population, received a disproportionately low share of central government development expenditure. From 1950–51 to 1954–55, their share was as low as 20%, only to slightly increase to 36% during the third five-year plan period from 1965–66 to 1969–70.
Consequently, linguistic and cultural discrimination intensified the sense of alienation among Bengalis. The enactment of Urdu as the sole national language further insulted the rich linguistic heritage of East Pakistan. The Bengali population's illiteracy and social mobility remain restricted due to the neglect of educational institutions. Furthermore, the ruling military junta in Islamabad brutally suppressed any form of dissent using violent tactics, creating an atmosphere of fear and repression. Consider the potential factors, such as differences in the education sector and provincial educational policies among the regions under comparison that could influence the presence of discrimination.
Moreover, the 1970s general election revealed the underlying divisions and injustices within the system. In the aftermath of a resounding win for the Awami League, under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, he secured a landslide victory, winning 160 out of the 162 seats in East Pakistan. This incredible accomplishment bestowed on them a majority in the parliament of Pakistan. However, West Pakistan declined to relinquish power, leading to extensive demonstrations in East Pakistan. After the historic 7th March speech of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Pakistani oppressors conducted a military crackdown. Exemplified by the 25th March's notorious Operation Searchlight, which subjected innocent civilians to unimaginable horrors, signaled the beginning of a large-scale conflict. This bloodshed conflict ended with the defeating the Pakistan Armed Forces on 16th December 1971.
Bangladesh's liberation war, which took place in 1971, was not just a fight for independence; it additionally featured a campaign to overthrow the entrenched elements of structural violence that had been oppressing the people of East Pakistan since 1947. Economic profiteering, cultural restriction, social and political exclusion, as well as oppression, discrimination, and gross violation of human rights, were all practices of the Pakistani government that exposed systemic inequalities and fueled the flames of disagreement.
The war that took place over five decades ago continues to have a significant impact on the socio-political landscape of Bangladesh, reminding us of the long-lasting effects of structural violence against innocent Bengali people. As we look back on the past, it is important to learn from history and work toward a future that upholds justice, equality, and dignity for everyone.