‘The word "development" has been used so much that it has become a pejorative’

Sketch: TBS

Bangladesh has experienced a truly revolutionary change, where a highly powerful government was forced to resign in the face of a student and public movement, and the former Prime Minister was forced to flee the country. 

The Hasina-led government had successfully completed three consecutive terms, and on 5 August, approximately seven months into their fourth term, the government had to resign. 

In light of such changes, Dr Hossain Zillur Rahman spoke to TBS regarding what may be the reasons behind this change, what lies ahead of us and how achievable the aspirations that drove this transformation are.

TBS:  What do you think were the reasons for the downfall of such a powerful government?

Dr Zillur: One clear reason, as you might say, is that the last three elections were not truly elections. They did not come to power with the support of the people. In fact, for the past three terms, and especially the last one, they governed without any genuine popular support—without the legitimacy that comes from an electoral process. They conducted fake elections without any real opposition, without the people, without voters.

So, despite using all the forces to create the impression of being invincible, the foundation and consequently their legitimacy as rulers in society, were utterly hollow—completely empty. (Then) this shock occurred— which I would call the 'Red July' or 'Bangla Monsoon.' 

Why did they fall? Because the unwavering aspirations of Abu Sayeed, Mugdha, and countless others who sacrificed themselves, provided moral support, encouraged, and ultimately took to the streets for justice, had gained momentum. 

And in the end, she made mistake after mistake. What awakened the people the most was the continuous humiliation they faced at every level. The police adopted a language of contempt, and it was against this humiliation that the people finally stood up.

TBS: Whether it be the banking sector, the NBR, or the financial sector, there has been severe corruption. To what extent do you believe this corruption contributed to their downfall?

Dr Zillur: It is undoubtedly one of the key reasons. However, corruption is merely a manifestation of a deeper issue. The corruption wasn't hidden; it was almost openly declared—"We will be corrupt." 

It wasn't just about financial corruption; it was the blatant attitude that corruption would be the policy. In fact, it wasn't just the numbers; it was the bold declaration that corruption would be the norm, and this was clearly seen by the people. 

Corruption was the purpose, and the aim was to humiliate the people. Therefore, corruption is certainly a major reason, and it is not a trivial one. 

TBS: In fact, journalists weren't even allowed to write about it. We were aware of many things, (but) every day there would be a call from an agency. So,  the significant change that we were discussing in the beginning, which could indeed be called a revolution, was something beyond the imagination of many at the outset. What do you think were the aspirations of the students and the public? What did they want? 

Dr Zillur: There were different levels to their aspirations. The first level was the demand for quota reform. However, they were insulted and belittled in a humiliating manner. 

When they protested against this, they were told, "How dare you protest? Shoot them." This arrogance and the display of power were all too evident. 

And who was showing this? Those who had come to power through elections without voters. Those who continuously humiliated us. At that point, the students' initial aspirations were joined by the subconscious desires of many others, bringing them all to the streets. 

The next aspiration was that this was not the Bangladesh we had envisioned. We want to build and see Bangladesh in a different way. And they succeeded collectively. If we look at the list of those who were martyred, we see many working-class people, many ordinary people, children, and women as well. 

The elite group, the established middle class, might have believed, from an analytical perspective, that it was impossible to remove such a powerful government. 

However, in those few days, they were awakened by an intense emotion and determination - that they would not retreat. The people realised that the ongoing humiliation was unbearable and that something had to be done. And it was done. 

But another key aspect of their aspirations is that the very authoritarian government structure and the overarching philosophical and ideological control that Sheikh Hasina had established, is gone. 

Now, their name also carries a significant message: "anti-discrimination." The concept of discrimination is multifaceted—economic, social, and among different groups. This is the second level of their aspiration.

TBS:  How can this potential for change be made sustainable?

Dr Zillur: Sustainability is indeed a crucial matter. Currently, an interim government is in power, and they have a role to play. However, the role of the students and the public is equally important. They need to remain vigilant, and it is vital to listen to what the people of this new Bangladesh want. 

A significant issue with the fallen government was that they created an aspiration centred around a middle-class Bangladesh, leaving no room for others to have their own dreams.

We must consider constitutional changes. But first, the current state of the economy demands a kind of rescue. We need to think carefully about which areas of the constitution should be amended. These changes should be brought forward in a sustainable manner, with consent from every group, and with a firm commitment to the agenda.

TBS: In order to implement all these changes, the interim government led by Dr Muhammad Yunus, which has been in place for the past ten days, will have to work with our existing bureaucracy. What kind of changes do you think are necessary here?

Dr Zillur: When we speak of the existing bureaucracy, we must remember that we have a structure in place, and we cannot simply discard that structure. The question of abolishing the structure does not arise.

TBS: What about their mindset? Their capabilities?

Dr Zillur: The primary change that bureaucrats can bring about is in their mindset and ensuring that they are performing their duties correctly. Accountability is an extremely important concept. 

Over the past 15 years, the bureaucratic process, in general, has suffered from a lack of accountability. Effective accountability has been absent. Even corrupt individuals received the Integrity Award during the tenure of the fallen government. So, how do we ensure accountability?

The previous government, the fallen government, had almost banned the term "reform," stating that no reforms could be made. But what is reform? It's not something that an expert alone can dictate. The concepts and aspects of reform must be taken from the people.

Here, I believe, with regard to the interim government—since that was your question—I am somewhat concerned, and I had hoped for more because setting the mood, setting the tone, and creating the right environment are very necessary. Sending this message is one of the key tasks of governance.

TBS: You're suggesting that a clear signal needs to be sent because everything has been disrupted. Even business leaders have become heavily politicised. Could you also elaborate on this notion of development? Sometimes it's even referred to as the "development myth." Could you shed some light on this?

Dr Zillur: The word "development" has been used so much that it has now become almost a pejorative term. When people hear it, they immediately associate it with spending money, corruption, and large infrastructure projects. Development has come to mean these things, but behind the facade of development, theft and corruption have been rampant. 

So, I believe that messaging is crucial in this context. Those who ideologically supported the fallen government with ideas like development versus democracy were completely misguided.

Elections are extremely important. Accountability is a critical pillar. Transparency is another major pillar, as is efficiency, and personal responsibility is also very important. But now we see that the so-called "development myth" was, in fact, a kind of constructed narrative meant to deceive the people.

I've been contacted by many from other countries, including Chile in South America, where they experienced a similar transformation. They're amazed at how this happened and are thrilled that such possibilities still exist. People from South Africa, Kenya—they're asking how we managed to bring about these changes. 

As an economist, I believe it's time for us to look at ourselves in the mirror.

At the same time, youth unemployment is at its peak. If we look at the statistics, we see that the issue of job creation is not being addressed. Investment has been stagnant. 

We've always assumed that in the Indian subcontinent, despite many areas of deep poverty, India is the leader, with a large economy. I'm considering another "impossible" idea—though it's not truly impossible, it's achievable. That idea is that Bangladesh can and should become the leader in South Asia.

TBS: How can Bangladesh be the leader in South Asia?

Dr Zillur: In the sense that a country like South Korea, which was once a small economy, has not only become a high-income country but has also emerged as a leader in various fields. I believe that we should not have a sense of inferiority. 

Whether we succeed or not is another matter, but I genuinely believe that, in many ways, Bangladesh can position itself as a leading nation in South Asia and the developing world, particularly the Global South. This is not impossible.  

One thing to keep in mind is the importance of our youth. They want to work; they are industrious and talented, as shown by their success abroad. We need to harness the strength of our youth.

Additionally, I think we should focus on other areas like sports and culture, which are also vast fields. For example, Nelson Mandela used rugby to unify the nation in South Africa. Our girls have risen from remote areas. Unfortunately, our sports world has become tainted with commercial interests and corruption. We need a character transformation, and culture plays a vital role in that.

Without a comprehensive change, we would be disrespecting the sacrifices of people like Abu Sayeed, Mugdha, and countless others. We must think big; we must aim for an overall transformation. 

Bangladesh's strength lies in its aspirations and its spirit of initiative. If we can properly harness these and provide the right direction, we will not only lead South Asia but also become a leading nation in the Global South. This should be one of our aspirations.

TBS: But,  who will provide this direction?

Dr Zillur: I hope that the interim government, led by Dr Yunus, especially given his track record, will provide this direction. But we shouldn't just sit back and wait for them. This change must also arise from within society. The government needs support from society and the nation, and they must be held accountable.

TBS: Right. It's not something any government can achieve alone.  As we wrap up, could you address the issue of LDC graduation? Bangladesh is expected to graduate in 2026, but we've seen various concerns about the credibility of our data, including GDP growth. With discrepancies in data and a $10 billion drop in recent years, will we face challenges in achieving this graduation? 

Dr Zillur: I'd say that LDC graduation is certainly a significant issue, but it's not something to overly worry about. If it gets delayed by a year, so be it—there's no harm. Our timeline isn't confined to just that one year. We aim to become a leading nation in the Global South, which goes beyond the framework of LDC graduation.

Bangladesh has many brilliant, experienced, and dedicated people. The problem is that they haven't been given opportunities because of systemic deprivation. Regarding data (and inflation), I see a great opportunity to do things correctly. The world is looking at us positively. If our data causes a slight delay (in graduation), we shouldn't be overly concerned because the world views us with great sympathy. After all, we've accomplished something incredible. 

It's also worth noting that many political scientists believe this is the age of surveillance, and (it is unthinkable that) this government has been overthrown. So, there's ample opportunity to work on our data. I'm hopeful that Wahiduddin Mahmud Sir will give it the attention it deserves.

One more point I want to make is that when we talk about the economy, we often focus solely on big businesses. But what about the mid-sized, SMEs, and grassroots economic actors? They are always left behind.

They are deprived not only in terms of policy attention but also in terms of visibility in the data. The media, too, tends to overlook them. So, we need a democratisation of data to ensure that all actors become visible. There are many marginalised groups whose issues should come to the forefront.