What is the future of the new generation who built their present?

The majority of the students who overthrew a regime belonged to what politics? They were apolitical. The individuals in twos, threes, dozens, hundreds and finally in thousands made it confirmed.

The non-political folks through a complete shutdown brought a total full-stop to a 15-year rule (the first five legitimate and the remaining 10 illegitimate) of the most powerful political party in the country.

Not only ouster of a party that led the 1971 liberation war, but they also made a next-to-impossible thing possible. Sheikh Hasina – who reconstructed the Awami League after the assassination of Bangabandhu in 1975, took her party to power after 21 long years in 1996 and then in 2008 again – fled from Bangladesh.

Now this is the time to think of why this had to happen and how otherwise an apolitical generation could flame a torch of conscience to force an authoritarian regime to quit.

Since the humiliating departure of Sheikh Hasina from power and country on 5 August following the students' triumph, we are watching two opposite acts of spirits, particularly from the younger generation.

One group, soon after her exit, unleashed a reign of terror particularly against minority communities and damaged sculptures and establishments symbolising the nation's glorified history, enriched heritage and rich culture.

Another group, on the contrary, cleaned the rubble from Bangabandhu Bhaban to Parliament, repaired the sculptures as many as possible and announced the recreation of other statutes once the turmoil situation was over.

Graffiti work is also on to manifest our history, heritage and revolt.

Again, taking the opportunity of the absence of police, one group carried out incidents like dacoity sending an alarm to the public, and capturing local offices of Awami League and its thuggish front organisations indicating a return to past politics.

On the other hand, another group started guarding the neighbourhoods all over the night, captured a number of dacoits from different parts of the city, handed them over to the army and announced through microphones that they were awakened bringing a feeling of security in the localities.

In the past week when the blood of youths who made supreme sacrifices for democracy still has not dried up, we saw one group (considering the `rasgolla' is a milli-metre away from their mouth) take to the streets to announce in full throat it has to be fed the `golla' within three months.

But, the real heroes of the mass upsurge –  the students – took to the streets to maintain traffic in the absence of traffic police. By and large, they are successful in maintaining road discipline so far despite some reported incidents disliked by some people.

Had the students not been there, it is certain the roads in Dhaka and elsewhere would get stuck and clogged as we know our own behaviour when our hands are on steering or legs on the paddle and there is no traffic man to give a signal to stop or let go.

Maintaining traffic by the students from universities, colleges and even from schools, is visible. What we are not watching with our open eyes, but can understand with a thought: if the students were not there, there could be criminal activities in the absence of police.

It is a matter of a sense of security.

So, the number is important. Maybe there is no need for a huge number of boys and girls on the streets for discipline, but they are needed across the city to ensure your safety and security until the policemen come back.

The huge presence of the students whom we used to call the "I hate politics generation" also sends a message that they had been out of collective effort due to the hatred towards corrupt politicians irrespective of any party, not towards politics.

Road safety movement in 2018 was also an indication.

It proves if you show them a real dream, if you ensure a real path and if you give them a real platform, they are ready to serve the country, the nation and people from their respective capacities and positions.

What platform had there been in front of them earlier?

A leader who committed at first to a digital and then a smart Bangladesh had an organisation for students called Chhatra League. What was the image of the organisation in front of the real students? 

Let aside the local students, what was the branding of the ruling party's student wing before the world? What do the world media from New Delhi to New York think about the Chhatra League?

Take some examples of the world's most influential media and how they portrayed the student body of Bangladesh when the mass-uprising was taking place:

"The tumult began when the Chhatra League—the thuggish student wing of the ruling Awami League—were dispatched to confront the initially peaceful demonstrators," wrote Time magazine.

The Economist says: "…at universities and on the streets the al's (Awami League's) student wing, the Bangladesh Chhatra League, acts as a murderous vigilante force."

The New York Times said, "… there was another reason for his (Abu Sayeed's) resolve in protesting: He had been attacked by members of the youth wing (Chhatra League)….

The Guardian quoted a Bangladesh girl as saying she was set upon by groups of men from the Chhatra League, who began beating her with sticks and pulling her hair.

The BBC had said police and the student wing of the governing Awami League – known as the Bangladesh Chhatra League – have been using brutal force against peaceful demonstrators, triggering widespread anger.

Even the Times of India had reported that "Students have been clashing with law enforcement officials as well as the members of the ruling Awami League's student wing, Bangladesh Chhatra League."

That was the image of the Chhatra League: thuggish, notorious and murderous.

However, do not think other student bodies are any different.

The BNP-backed Chhatra Dal and Jamaat's student wing Chhatra Shibir, infamous for tendon-cutting, did the same when they were in power. Sometimes, even while not in power.

The same is true for Chhatra Samaj, the student wing of former military dictator Ershad's Jatiya Party, which played similar fouls in their regime. 

Every ruling party wants to use the muscle power of their student body to protect power and the opposition to stage a comeback. The majority of the common students were not on either side.

The leaders never thought of students' desires and dreams, rather they embraced the muscle of criminals.

Before the final whistle was rung, the occasional non-partisan student uprising from time to time for the last decade clearly shows the students have no trust in traditional student politics. These student organisations are far away from the reality of students' dreams and desires.

That is why, since the current quota movement began on 1 July, we have seen graphic cards on Facebook illustrating cut marks on League, Dal and Shibir after the word Chhatra. By the graphical image, they had given a clear message that there will be no League, no Dal and no Shibir on campuses. There will be only Chhatra, Chhatra and Chhatra.

These chhatras (students) showed their courage to overthrow a regime infamous for authoritarianism, corruption, nepotism and politicisation of every institution.

And, now they are showing their patriotism, dedication and love for Bangladesh earned at the cost of the lives of three million people. Most of the freedom fighters had been in a similar age now the students.

They have a dream. Everyone has to understand their language every now and then.