Why border killing persists
At least 1,236 Bangladeshis were killed and 1,145 injured in shootings by the Indian border force between 2000 and 2020. Experts opine that while illegal activities do occur along the border, India's current approach remains unjustifiable
On 7 January 2011, 15-year-old Felani Khatun was killed at the hands of India's Border Security Force (BSF). Her body was hanging from the fence for four and half hours—a harrowing image that resonated globally as a symbol of the human cost of border conflicts between Bangladesh and India.
Despite continued condemnation, particularly following Felani's death, the killing of unarmed Bangladeshi citizens by BSF near the border never abated.
In 2024 alone, 25 Bangladeshis were shot dead by BSF, according to Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), adding to the 594 BSF killings recorded between 2009 and 2023.
Documentation by another rights organisation, Odhikar, reveals that at least 1,236 Bangladeshis were killed and 1,145 injured in shootings by the Indian border force between 2000 and 2020.
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India has already fenced 3,271 km of its 4,156-km border with Bangladesh, leaving approximately 885 km unfenced.
Recently, significant tension arose between Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) and BSF over the construction of barbed-wire fences along five border areas, including Chapainawabganj, Naogaon, Lalmonirhat and the Tin Bigha Corridor.
This raises the question of why tensions along the Bangladesh-India border continue into 2025.
The ongoing issue of border killings, along with other authoritarian actions by India, such as constructing border fences, indicates a deliberate attempt to assert a "big brother" attitude over Bangladesh, even though they clearly have other options in hand to bring about a sustainable solution.
Dr Mizanur Rahman, a law professor at Dhaka University, was the chairman of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) when Felani was killed in 2011. According to him, India has consistently shown a "trigger-happy" attitude at the border, using lethal force and a "shoot-to-kill" approach instead of alternative measures.
He emphasised that while illegal activities like smuggling, human trafficking, cross-border prostitution, drug trafficking and the illicit trade of wildlife, arms and counterfeit currency, as well as illegal crossings from both sides, do occur along the Bangladesh-India border, India's current approach remains unjustifiable.
"Authorities may detain or prosecute offenders according to the law, but taking a life through excessive force is unacceptable. International law permits the use of force only in self-defence, and even then, within strict limits. Self-defence is clearly defined under international law, requiring that any use of force be proportionate to the threat posed," he said.
"In almost all the cases where the Border Security Force (BSF) has used lethal force, it has been grossly disproportionate to the perceived threat. The individuals targeted may not be entirely innocent under the law, but they are typically unarmed and pose no immediate danger to BSF personnel. Despite this, the BSF often resorts to lethal measures, which constitutes a clear violation of international legal standards," he added.
According to a study titled "Bangladesh-India Border Crisis: Nature and Remedy" by Dr Saleh Shahriar, in addition to instances of fatal shootings, Bangladeshi citizens have reported enduring various forms of torture inflicted by the BSF.
These include gunshot wounds, hacking wounds, restraining individuals by tying their hands and feet before submerging them in water, using pliers to pull out nails, bayonet stabbings, ear mutilation, physical beatings, and burning the entire body or specific body parts with cigarettes. Even more severe actions including burning, maiming, genital mutilation, eye gouging, hanging bodies on barbed wire, and instances of rape were reported.
Dr Mizanur recalled that at the time of the Felani tragedy, the chairman of the National Human Rights Commission of India was former chief justice KG Balakrishnan, to whom he sent a letter demanding a thorough investigation into the Felani case. In the letter, he referenced the Garcia and Garza vs the United States case, where the US was found at fault for the killing of a young girl in 1919 by a shot fired from the American side of the Rio Grande as she crossed the river on a raft.
Following this letter, Balakrishnan visited West Bengal, and the Felani case was revived against the BSF personnel who shot her. However, no positive outcomes came from the investigation, and in most cases before and after, Indian authorities and human rights bodies largely ignored Bangladesh's calls for justice and an end to the killings of its citizens at the border.
"In the end, it all comes down to India's big brotherly attitude, with which they always seek to exert pressure on Bangladesh," said Dr Mizanur.
"There is no justification for border killings over smuggling. If cattle smuggling from India is stopped, there would be no cows at the border. So, why are Bangladeshis being killed instead of addressing smuggling within India?" Dr Mizanur questioned.
Kirity Roy, secretary of Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha (MASUM), a West Bengal-based human rights organisation, also argued that while smuggling drives illegal border crossings, authorities on both sides are to blame for failing to address the issue effectively.
"For instance, cattle smuggled through West Bengal often come all the way from Rajasthan, which is nearly 2,000 km away. They are transported by road across multiple districts," Roy said.
However, despite the extensive law enforcement presence, including police, BSF and intelligence agencies, these shipments are never intercepted. The reason is simple: they are all bribed to remain silent.
"Minor girls and women from Bangladesh are often trafficked into India under false employment promises. They face no obstacles crossing the border and are subsequently sent to various red-light districts across the country. To be honest, both BGB and BSF and law enforcement on both sides of the border are all dipped in corruption," he added.
Advocate Shahanur Islam, a human rights activist, also pointed out that border killings have been a continuous occurrence along the Bangladesh-India border. It happened during both the BNP and Awami League regimes, and it continues to happen during the interim government.
"I believe the responsibility for this ongoing failure lies squarely with our politicians and diplomats. They have consistently been unable to pressure their Indian counterparts to address this matter effectively. Moreover, on the global stage, the issue of border killings in Bangladesh remains largely overlooked," he lamented.
According to him, this attempt is also evident through India's unauthorised attempts at fencing at borders with barbed wire, noting that the 1975 Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Bangladesh and India clearly states that no defence-related activities are permitted within 150 yards of the zero line.
"Bangladesh is absolutely justified in raising objections to this," said Islam, who is also the founding president of JusticeMakers Bangladesh in France (JMBF).
Notably, several border-related issues have stemmed from "unequal agreements" signed during previous governments' tenures.
Since Bangladesh's independence, four major agreements have shaped border relations: the 1974 Land Boundary Agreement, aimed at resolving enclaves and disputed territories; the 1975 Joint Indo-Bangladesh Guidelines for Border Authorities; the 2011 Land Boundary Agreement Protocol; and the 2011 Coordinated Border Management Plan.
At an upcoming director general-level meeting between the border forces of Bangladesh and India, scheduled for February, Dhaka is expected to advocate for the cancellation of the agreements they deem discriminatory.
Meanwhile, Dr Shahriar, an associate professor of history and philosophy at North South University (NSU) who has gone to all the India-Bangladesh borders for field visits over the years, observed that understanding the deeper causes of border issues requires recognising why so many people in these regions become involved in illegal activities in the first place.
"One crucial aspect that often goes unnoticed is the extreme marginalisation and discrimination faced by people living in border areas. Compared to most other places in the country, residents of bordering regions like Chuadanga, Lalmonirhat or Kurigram have significantly fewer economic opportunities.
"It is the government's responsibility to address their plight seriously. Unfortunately, political parties in Bangladesh have consistently ignored these communities," Dr Shahriar remarked.
Dr Mizanur highlighted another unconventional but critical issue that he believes requires attention. "During bilateral dialogues between the BGB and BSF, it should be conveyed to the BSF that they need Bangla-speaking personnel along the Bangladesh border," he suggested.
He argued that the language barrier, created by deploying BSF personnel from non-Bangla-speaking regions, contributes to their lack of empathy toward Bangalis, making it easier for them to open fire on unarmed Bangladeshis.
"A Bangali would never shoot another Bangali. BGB personnel do not kill Indians, because they share similar linguistic and cultural roots. It is BSF personnel from regions like Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Haryana and Rajasthan who kill Bangladeshis without hesitation," Dr Mizanur concluded.
